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Qualitative research to explore the lived experiences of teenage boys and young men aged 14 to 25 years.
Published: 11 December 2025
Last updated: 11 December 2025
This version was printed or saved on: 26 December 2025
Online version: https://www.gamblingcommission.gov.uk/report/lived-experiences-of-gambling-in-teenage-boys-and-young-men-qualitative
Gambling is a popular and visible part of life in Great Britain, and research shows that boys and young men are more likely than other groups to take part in gambling or gambling-like activities. Findings show that boys and young men are also more likely to experience problem gambling compared to other demographic groups. In particular, this has been reflected in the Gambling Commission’s Young People and Gambling Survey, where boys are more likely to meet the threshold for experiencing problem gambling, and the Gambling Survey for Great Britain (GSGB), where young men are more likely to score 8 or above on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI), again indicative of experiencing problem gambling.
Recent qualitative research with 11 to 17 year olds found that boys are often more exposed to gambling content and experiences, highlighting a need to understand how this continues into early adulthood.
To build on these findings, the Commission commissioned this research to explore the lived experiences of teenage boys and young men aged 14 to 25 years old. The work forms part of the Commission’s Evidence Theme 1: Early gambling experiences and gateway products (and the associated roadmap for Early gambling experiences and gateway products) and contributes to the implementation of the Gambling Act Review.
The study set out to:
The research aims to strengthen understanding of how gambling fits into teenage boys’ and young men’s lives and to inform future policy, regulation, and education designed to reduce gambling-related harm.
The gambling environment for young men today is fast moving and highly visible. It is shaped by new technologies, online communities, and easy access to betting opportunities – where they are legally able to engage. For many, gambling feels like a familiar and even routine part of social life, often viewed as being an intrinsic aspect of sport, friendship, and everyday media. This research highlights how the pathways into gambling for teenage boys and young men differ from those of previous generations, marked by blurred boundaries between play and risk, and by an online world where gambling content is prevalent and sits alongside gaming, social content, and entertainment.
Across the study, 7 key themes emerged from our sample of teenage boys and young men describing their relationship with gambling today:
Participants often described feeling confident that they understood how odds worked, yet struggled to explain them in detail. Self-reported understanding was high, but genuine comprehension appeared limited. Many talked about “learning” through social media tipsters, advice from friends or family, or their own wins and losses. Others reported having no understanding at all. Some mentioned in-app explanations or percentage conversions offered by gambling companies, which made betting feel more transparent but did not lead to deeper understanding. Participants tended to treat these cues as guidance for decision making rather than true learning, leaving their grasp of chance and probability partial and inconsistent.
Gaming was often the earliest setting in which participants encountered gambling-like mechanics such as loot boxes. These features introduced the idea of paying for an uncertain reward and helped bring about the excitement of chance from a young age. Although most participants viewed gaming as harmless entertainment, many later recognised how these experiences mirrored gambling – using real or in-game money for a potential payoff, driven by similar anticipation and frustration cycles. For some, this familiarity made formal gambling at 18 feel like a natural extension of play rather than a new activity.
For many participants, the 18th birthday represented a formal gateway to adult gambling. Before then, some experimented through informal bets with friends, in-game gambling or activities similar in nature to gambling, or limited exposure via parents or siblings. Once legal age was reached, gambling became more deliberate and funded by personal (rather than, for example, parental) income, with time, attention, and money dedicated to sports betting, scratchcards, online casinos, and other regulated products.
Gambling that plays an important role in social life – particularly online sports betting – was the most persistent and valued activity among participants. The appeal largely lies in the ability to strengthen shared interests and relationships. Betting together, discussing results and comparing wins and losses provides a sense of belonging that extends beyond the activity itself. For those gambling more frequently or with higher stakes, the potential for financial gain became an added incentive, but the social element remained central. For lower stakes or more occasional gamblers, social connection often outweighed the importance of winning, with the cost of regular losses viewed as an accepted part of staying involved with friends and shared sporting communities.
While younger participants often described gambling as fun or incidental, those aged 18 and over were more likely to view it through a financial lens. Both winning money and a sense of achievement from “earning” wins became stronger motivations with age. This was most evident among participants with higher gambling activity, for whom the thrill of profit and the challenge of prediction became central to their engagement.
Across social media, streaming and live sport, older participants described constant visibility of gambling content – from paid advertisements to influencer sponsorships, memes and lifestyle creators showcasing betting. This online environment reinforces gambling as a common cultural practice and keeps it accessible, even for under-18s, who rarely report seeing paid-for gambling ads but frequently encounter user-generated and influencer-led content despite age restrictions.
While few participants had experienced gambling-related harms themselves, most could recognise early warning signs and describe how these might escalate if unchecked. Risk and impact were understood as cumulative, shaped by the interplay of accessibility, social norms, impulsivity, and changing financial circumstances. Around key transitions, particularly the move into legal adulthood, paid work, and going to university, these factors often converge to heighten vulnerability. Building awareness of these combined risks, and of the emotional and behavioural cues that signal harm, could help teenage boys and young men recognise when gambling or gambling-like activity is shifting from recreation to risk.
Humankind Research conducted multi-method and iterative qualitative research to explore how teenage boys and young men think about and experience gambling. Fieldwork took place between July and September 2025.
The research included 4 stages:
Humankind Research conducted 4 online, 60-minute individual interviews with members of the Gambling Commission’s Lived Experience Advisory Panel (LEAP) and the former Advisory Board for Safer Gambling (ABSG), as well as representatives from GambleAware and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS). These discussions helped shape the research design and ensure the work helped reflect lived-experience perspectives and address knowledge gaps.
Stages 2, 3, and 4 were conducted with 24 teenage boys and young men across Great Britain.
Each participant was invited to a 30-minute call with a researcher, on Zoom or phone based on their preference. In the call, the researcher explained the purpose of the research, described what to expect in the subsequent stages, explained how their information would be used, and answered any questions the participant had.
Participants were asked to complete a 4-day online diary exploring their relationship with gambling and gambling-like activities. The diary format provided private space for open and honest responses, using a familiar, app-style interface accessible by phone, tablet or computer. Participants were given the option to respond with text, photo, audio and video.
Tasks invited them to reflect on what they see, do and think in relation to gambling in their daily lives, including social media content, gaming and peer conversations. There were 4 tasks in total which explored:
Sixty-minute follow-up interviews were then conducted online with each participant, moderated by experienced qualitative researchers. These conversations explored gambling behaviours, motivations and perceived impacts in greater depth. In the final part of the interviews, participants were asked to consider how teenage boys and young men could be better supported when it comes to gambling. A list of ‘other people have said’ statements was used as stimulus to aid reflection and discussion in this area. This type of stimulus is commonly used in qualitative research to help individuals articulate their views, react to contrasting viewpoints, and surface thoughts that may not arise spontaneously.
All data were analysed thematically, combining insights from each stage to identify consistent patterns and areas of divergence across ages and activity levels.
Twenty-four male participants across England, Scotland and Wales took part. The sample covered 2 age groups with a mix of gambling experiences and backgrounds.
Participants were recruited through 2 recruitment partners: Taylor McKenzie UK, based in Scotland, who sourced participants from Scotland and Wales; and Alona Martin, who recruited the English sample. Both partners are Recruiter Accreditation Scheme (RAS)-accredited and operate in accordance with the Market Research Society Code of Conduct.
A range of recruitment methodologies were employed. Initial outreach was conducted via our partners nationwide databases, to establish a pool of eligible participants. This was complemented by a more community-based approach in Wales, an area traditionally underrepresented in research, to ensure inclusivity and regional diversity.
All participants were screened against our bespoke screening document, designed to evaluate behaviours in line with Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI) and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders Fourth Edition - Multiple Response Juvenile (DSM-IV-MR-J) criteria, ensuring they met the projects eligibility requirements.
12 boys aged 14 to 17 years old split into 2 groups:
Activities could include both regulated (for example, arcade machines) and unregulated (for example, playing cards for money with friends) forms of gambling. Unregulated in this context refers to activities that fall outside formal regulatory frameworks, rather than to unlicensed commercial operators.
12 men aged 18 to 25 years old split into 2 groups:
Activities could include scratch cards, lottery draws, betting, bingo, casino games, slot machines and other forms of gambling.
The additional criteria for the research:
The qualitative design provided a rich and authentic understanding of how participants experience gambling and gambling-like activities in their everyday lives. The approach allowed participants to describe and reflect on their experiences in their own words, as well as through visual evidence, helping reveal the drivers behind their attitudes and behaviours.
Conversation with the Gambling Commission’s Lived Experience Advisory Panel (LEAP) provided the perspective of those with experience of gambling-related harm. This informed our research design, ensuring participants felt comfortable sharing their experiences honestly, and researchers were perceptive to potential harm. Speaking with an academic on the former Advisory Board for Safer Gambling (ABSG) allowed us to stress test hypotheses and learn from effective qualitative research practice looking at gambling.
Using multiple stages (expert interviews, introductory calls, online diaries, and follow-up depth interviews) enabled the moderators to build rapport and trust with the young people, providing a safe space for them to share their thoughts, experiences, and feelings. Having the same moderator across research stages created a sense of continuity and familiarity, helping enable participants to speak openly and honestly.
Ethical practice was maintained throughout recruitment, fieldwork, and analysis, with clear information provided at every stage to each young person, and parent or guardian for those under 18 years old, and safeguarding procedures in place for participants who disclosed distress or concern. The introductory calls onboarded participants, helping them feel engaged in the project and ensuring they were clear on the research objectives and their tasks before continuing.
The online diary stage provided a private, flexible space for reflection, allowing participants to “show” as well as “tell” their experiences, via written verbatims, voice notes, screenshots and narrated screen recordings of their social media feeds. This helped us capture rich insight into our participants’ day to day lives as well as some more reflective responses on their perceptions of what they are seeing and doing in relation to gambling.
We know that the chance to talk in a group can be a very positive experience, so for the final stage, we asked participants if they would prefer to have a one-to-one conversation with the moderator they had been paired with or be in a small group discussion with other participants of similar ages and shared experiences. All participants chose an individual conversation, but it was crucial for the research to be participant-led and provide both options.
The depth interviews enabled participants to elaborate on the thoughts and experiences they had shared in the online diaries. The moderator helped the participant map their journey of experiences and influences related to gambling, exploring emotions, influences and motivations present at each stage. As the moderators were familiar to the participants, it was easier to delicately explore gambling impacts.
While the qualitative sample was intentionally focused, consistency in participants’ accounts meant we reached a point of data saturation by the end of fieldwork. Similar themes and experiences were being repeated across interviews, giving confidence that the findings capture the core patterns within this group’s experiences.
As with all qualitative research, the findings presented here are indicative rather than representative of all males aged between 14 and 25 years old across England, Scotland and Wales.
There is also potential for research reactivity: some participants reported that reflecting on their behaviours prompted greater awareness of gambling risks. While this brought participants valuable knowledge and self-insight (and was felt by participants to be a positive outcome of the research for them) it may have influenced the way in which some participants discussed their experiences.
It was difficult to recruit participants with higher levels of gambling activity, particularly in the 14 to 17 year old age group. However, we achieved a satisfactory spread of activity levels which provided insight into a varied range of attitudes and experiences.
One 18 to 25 year old participant dropped out of the research after the introductory call, however, he was replaced and the new participant completed all stages.
Participants’ understanding of what counts as “gambling” was often fluid and subjective. Most associated the term with formal, money-based activities such as betting on sports or using casino-style apps. However, when shown a broad list of gambling and gambling-like activities as part of the research stimulus and asked whether any felt relevant to their own experiences, many also described experiences that blurred the line between gambling and everyday forms of play – including loot boxes, pack openings, fantasy football, or social media challenges involving risk and reward (such as filming physical challenges with a potential financial reward, or online games offering the chance to win real money).
Among younger participants, gambling was typically framed as something distant or adult, linked with betting shops or (online) casinos. By contrast, those aged 18 and over tended to view gambling as a typical leisure activity, embedded in sport, socialising, and entertainment.
Across ages, the perceived boundary between “gambling” and “not gambling” depended less on the activity itself and more on whether (significant amounts of) real money was at stake. Activities that felt fun, social, or low-cost were often excluded from participants’ personal definitions, even when they carried similar mechanics of chance, reward, and risk.
This flexible understanding shaped how participants described their own behaviour, and in some cases, underplayed the potential for harm.
Across the sample, most participants felt confident that they understood how gambling works; yet when asked to explain odds, chance, or probability in detail, their understanding often broke down. While self-reported knowledge was high, actual comprehension tended to be limited to surface-level cues or simplified explanations provided by gambling operators. This partial literacy leaves some young men over-confident in their ability to “beat the system” or make rational choices when gambling.
Young men tended to describe themselves as knowing “how it works,” particularly those who bet on sports. However, when asked to explain odds, most struggled to go beyond superficial descriptions. Some younger participants admitted to having “no clue,” while others referenced simplified explanations seen in betting apps or promotions. Misconceptions included overestimating chances of winning, perceived higher likelihood of winning when gambling in real life settings, and notions of being particularly “lucky” compared to peers.
"In terms of how odds work, absolutely no clue."
21 year old, lower gambling activity
"How odds work? I remember seeing like ads popping up and I would just see like if every five pounds you put on, you’ll get fifty back or something like that."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
"My luck was very good… I got more than my friends even though I spent less."
17 year old, lower gambling activity
Very few participants recalled formal education about gambling. Instead, learning tended to occur informally - from family or friends, social media tipsters, and lived experience of wins and losses. Some referenced betting companies’ simplified percentage displays or “boosted odds” as the main ways they had learned to interpret value.
These sources of knowledge provided a sense of confidence and control, but rarely translated into accurate understanding. Participants often relied on intuition, perceived skill, or repetition rather than true probability.
Even with limited understanding, participants frequently believed they could make informed or strategic decisions. Sports knowledge, familiarity with teams, and exposure to tipsters gave many the sense that outcomes could be influenced by insight or research.
This belief in personal skill muddied the area between luck and control - particularly in sports betting, where participants felt their existing interest gave them an advantage.
For many teenage boys and young men in the sample, gaming was their first online exposure to the mechanics of chance and reward that also underpin gambling. While some had already encountered similar dynamics in childhood through arcade games such as penny pushers or claw machines, features like loot boxes and prize packs brought these risk–reward mechanisms into everyday gaming environments. This introduced the idea of paying for an uncertain outcome in a setting that felt playful and familiar, making gambling-like behaviours feel routine long before money was directly at stake.
"I bought loot boxes in FIFA from the age of 11 to 15. Everyone played and you wanted to have the best team possible… it was the thrill of opening it, the chance you might get a really good player."
23 year old, lower gambling activity
Although participants did not initially view these mechanics as “gambling”, broad discussion of emotional dynamics surfaced spontaneous reference to anticipation, frustration, and the impulse to try again after disappointment.
Loot boxes were most commonly mentioned by those under 18. They were seen as part of the game rather than a form of gambling because they:
"When you are buying a [FIFA Ultimate Team] pack, you know you will get something in return. But with gambling, you either win or lose."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
However, when prompted to reflect more deeply, many participants agreed that the underlying mechanics met their own definition of gambling - “risking something for a potential reward.”
"Loot boxes should be classed as gambling, because there’s risk involved. You’ll get something that may not be worth what you paid."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
Because gaming is embedded in leisure time from childhood, these gambling-like experiences often occur without adult supervision or awareness of spending. Small, frequent purchases accumulate unnoticed, masking their financial and emotional impact.
"I spent a lot of money on FIFA packs when I was 15 and started getting my own money. I was buying packs every week trying to get better players… I stopped last year when I realised I’d spent £400."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
These experiences introduced both the thrill of uncertainty and the beginnings of compulsive engagement, sensations later echoed in gambling.
Ethan loved football and spent hours on FIFA after school. Opening player packs started as part of the fun – a chance to build his dream team and share the excitement with friends. But as he grew older and began earning his own money, the small, harmless purchases became something else. He shared,
"It basically started off as a hobby if I had a bit of spare money, but it got to the point where I was spending like £100 or more in one week – that’s when I realised it had gone way too far."
The thrill of revealing each card felt like a win, but the frustration when he did not get what he wanted pushed him to try again. Watching YouTubers open endless packs made it seem alluring, even skilful.
By 15, Ethan realised he was spending far more than he meant to, chasing that same buzz each time. He quit the game completely after noticing how angry and deflated he felt.
Now, when he and his friends make small football bets, he keeps strict limits. "I look how much money I have and see how much I can realistically put into it if I was going to do it… I always stick to it."
Ethan’s story shows how gaming rewards can quietly familiarise young people with gambling-like patterns of anticipation, reward, and risk - but also how these experiences can prompt reflection and help shape more cautious habits as they get older.
Becoming 18 represents a symbolic and practical milestone for young men - the point at which gambling becomes legal and (more) accessible. This age marks both newfound independence and a sense of entry into adulthood, with gambling often serving as a rite of passage shared among peers.
For many participants, their first legal bet coincided with other age-related freedoms such as buying alcohol or entering a casino. Gambling was described as a small but meaningful expression of independence - something they could now do without adult oversight.
"I realised now I’m 18, I can legally go to a shop and buy alcohol and scratchcards… I thought, you know what, I’m going to try it, see what happens."
18 year old, lower gambling activity
"The next progression would have been when I was old enough to legally gamble, so at college when I was 18. And that would be betting on sports online or on an app… it was like, oh, what can I do now I’m 18 and I can sign up to these apps and it’s legal. So sort of like, may as well just try it."
23 year old, lower gambling activity
Reaching the legal threshold also coincided with easier access - online, in shops, and in casinos. Participants described a sense of excitement and curiosity about trying something previously off-limits, often encouraged by friends who were also beginning to gamble.
"It was my mate’s 18th, we went bowling and we were finished, and the casino was next door. So we just thought… should we go? We went in… sat down, watched everyone play, got free drinks… it was just intrigue, like we wanted to try it. A lot of it was about being with mates."
20 year old, higher gambling activity
Gambling was rarely a solitary pursuit at first. Participants framed early experiences as social, part of spending time with friends and sharing excitement, rather than chasing financial reward.
"Every time we get together, we’ll have some sort of friendly bet going on… even if we’re just playing pool, the loser has to buy a round of shots… it’s pretty regular. It’s more about the fun and the social side of it."
24 year old, lower gambling activity
The transition to adulthood therefore brought gambling into young men’s social worlds as an ingrained and often celebrated behaviour - something to share and discuss within friendship groups.
Across this research sample, teenage boys and young men described a clear spectrum of gambling and gambling-like experiences, stretching from light, low-stakes play in childhood through to activities that become legally accessible at 18, such as online sports betting and casino-style gambling. This continuum reflects both the increasing independence of participants and the progressive prevalence of gambling-type behaviours over time.
At one end sit activities that felt harmless and socially acceptable, such as arcade machines, claw grabs or collectible card packs, often played with family members and rarely recognised as "gambling".
In the middle are the "in-between" activities (for example, loot boxes or private betting with friends) which replicate many of the same mechanisms as gambling (risk, chance, potential reward) but occur in social or gaming contexts that make them feel benign.
Finally, the upper end of the spectrum involves age-restricted gambling (such as sports betting, scratchcards and online casino play) characterised by higher stakes, individual participation and greater risk of financial or emotional harm.
"You drop a little two pound in there… I never thought of that as gambling before."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
This "spectrum" shows how early, everyday encounters with gambling-like activities can make later participation feel natural and familiar. By the time they reached 18, many research participants had already internalised the language, behaviours, and attitudes that underpin adult gambling – patterns that also reflect wider developmental processes, such as increasing autonomy, experimentation, and social influence.
Participant accounts suggest gambling that takes place in social settings, particularly within friendship groups, is often seen as part of shared leisure time. Betting together, comparing outcomes, and reacting collectively builds a sense of connection that encourages participation. Often the bet itself is not the point, but rather the shared enjoyment of celebrating wins, teasing over losses, and feeling like a part of a group.
For many of the sample, gambling sits alongside other group activities such as watching sport, gaming, socialising, or some combination of these. It adds a layer of excitement and competition to time spent with friends. That shared buzz and banter can make gambling feel light-hearted, reinforcing closeness within friendship groups.
"[It] brings us together – it may not be necessarily that … the arcade games are fun, it’s the spending time with each other."
16 year old, higher gambling activity
Losing small amounts of money is often viewed as the price of joining in; part of the experience of belonging to the group.
"The football league has just started, so I’m going to see my money going down the pit soon, unfortunately."
18 year old, lower gambling activity
Among those aged 18 years old and over, sports betting shows the clearest overlap between gambling and social life. It builds on an existing interest in sport and provides something to share and talk about within friendship circles.
"It gives you something to talk about with your friends, you know. Everyone says to each other like, ‘what have you put on for the weekend? What have you put on for Saturday’s games?’"
22 year old, higher gambling activity
Placing a bet becomes part of the shared experience of following sport, adding another reason to stay engaged with each match. The activity’s ease of access through apps and group chats helps it become a familiar part of weekly routines.
The gambling activities that persist over time are typically those that reinforce existing social ties. Online sports betting, in particular, continues to appeal because it is:
By contrast, activities that are more solitary - such as remote casino play - tend to lose their appeal more quickly once the initial curiosity fades.
These shared moments of laughter, anticipation, and collective highs and lows all build towards creating gambling experiences that, for many, feel enjoyable and safe.
A few participants described a shift from group-based gambling to gambling alone, often linked to losing streaks or a decline in enjoyment. This change was recognised as an early warning sign that gambling might be becoming more problematic.
Gambling that remains social is described as light-hearted and contained. Once it moves into private, repetitive play, it can take on a different emotional tone, less about connection, and more about chasing outcomes.
"I’d say friends [were influencing me to gamble more]... it was just more of a social thing that we did together... It became like a really frequent thing when I was at uni and I was staying in my room... we used to do it together, which was obviously a lot of fun, but also we were definitely a bad influence on each other. Coupled with it being lockdown … that sort of laid the foundations for an unhealthy habit."
23 year old, lower gambling activity
As boys move into young adulthood, gambling begins to take on a more purposeful and financial dimension. What starts as a light-hearted or social activity increasingly becomes tied to perceptions of independence, control, and the potential for profit. The motivation to "win" (and to win money specifically) becomes more prominent with age and experience, particularly among those gambling at higher levels of activity.
For younger participants, gambling was often described as "a bit of fun" or a way to connect with friends, with little focus on outcomes. However, among those aged 18 years old and over, conversations about gambling were more likely to centre on the possibility of financial return.
Turning 18 brings not just legal access but also a shift in mindset: gambling becomes something to approach more deliberately, with strategy or good judgment. Early personal wins can be especially powerful in cementing this orientation:
"The main reason why I have profit is because of that time when I won £200 from 20p... none of that is my actual money. That’s how much I’ve won from free games."
24 year old, higher gambling activity
There was evidence that this early profitability encouraged them to push further:
"As I made more and more money, I then bet higher and higher."
24 year old, higher gambling activity
Initial experiences on sports-betting and casino platforms appeared to set the tone for later engagement. Wins could legitimise routine play or higher stakes; repeated losses, for some, reduced interest altogether:
"I started winning more, so I was like, well, I can start putting more. I wasn’t really satisfied with getting £10 back - I was like, OK, well, if I’m winning, I’d rather get £100 back."
22 year old, higher gambling activity
Financial focus often sits alongside a belief that knowledge or research can influence results, especially in sports betting. This perceived control makes staking feel more justified than luck-based play:
"I quite enjoy the research side of it because I’m like into sports, into football... you might look up stats for like 10 minutes, bet on one of the stats to happen, and it happens straightaway. It feels like you’ve accomplished something in a way. And then obviously you’re rewarded with money... Whereas with the lottery, for example, I just feel like it’s obviously complete luck and that doesn’t really appeal to me because I don’t feel in control of that situation at all."
25 year old, lower gambling activity
For many, turning 18 coincides with first wages or student loans - moments when money feels more available, and gambling more affordable. Several described how income changes affected frequency and stakes:
"I was excited to have my own money for the first time but quickly found myself out of control — lost whole wages in days, couldn’t pay mum £30 rent. It’d be gone within two or three days... I couldn’t even afford rent."
18 year old, higher gambling activity
"If I was saving up for a car and couldn’t afford to lose any money, I wouldn’t bet at all."
22 year old, higher gambling activity
"I was spending more at uni because of COVID... we had nothing else to spend our money on. So we’d go to a casino or online and just get on the table."
24 year old, lower gambling activity
As financial motives strengthen, some described chasing outcomes (for example, using past wins to justify higher stakes or "going again" to avoid ending on a loss). Others recognised when the balance tipped, and adjusted or stepped back:
"Over the last two months… the enjoyment of it’s kind of gone… Now I’ll just drive, watch football, have a drink, not spend."
20 year old, higher gambling activity
For a minority, the financial frame co-existed with emotional drivers, using gambling as a way to manage stress or fill time - which, in turn, could nudge frequency upward:
"There were a few times where I’d be feeling stressed after work and I’d think, oh, this is normally the time when I might just open up my laptop and put a bet on."
23 year old, lower gambling activity
These accounts suggest that, for some, gambling can shift from a planned leisure activity to an emotional outlet - a pattern that may increase vulnerability over time.
For teenage boys and young men in the sample, gambling content is almost impossible to avoid. Across social media, sport, and everyday online spaces, betting is presented as a familiar and often entertaining part of modern life. Whether encountered through adverts, streamers, or friends’ shared memes, gambling has become a constant presence in the lives of teenage boys and young men.
Participants across ages and activity levels described being exposed to gambling-related content on a daily basis. Much of this came through algorithmic feeds rather than intentional search, meaning gambling appeared even for those who did not actively seek it out.
"I’ve seen lots of people start posting and glorifying gambling on livestreams, companies will pay streamers to promote this on stream and give them money to play with."
17 year old, Higher gambling activity
Platforms most frequently mentioned included TikTok, YouTube Shorts, and Instagram Reels, where gambling and gambling-like content appears among sport, gaming, and entertainment videos. Under-18s said this visibility persists despite platform age restrictions, often through humour or lifestyle content that is not labelled as advertising.
Short, meme-based videos were reportedly commonplace in participants’ social media feeds. These clips use humour to make gambling seem light-hearted and relatable, turning loss and risk into shared jokes among friends.
"I find it so funny… there’s lots of memes about like AI David Goggins telling you to never stop gambling… I always send them to my friends."
21 year old, lower gambling activity
"I think [memes are] a mask to put on… like where they can vent how they’re losing, but put it in a way that people can relate to it and joke about."
16 year old, lower gambling activity
For many, this content felt harmless and entertaining, yet it reinforces gambling’s social and cultural visibility. Jokes about losses keep gambling in conversation, which may make risk feel routine and collective rather than individual.
Creator-led content plays a significant role in shaping perceptions. Participants described streamers and celebrities promoting or demonstrating gambling, often through sponsorship deals that blur the line between entertainment and marketing.
"I do like to see the ones Drake does just because he puts on some crazy amounts."
24 year old, lower gambling activity
Such content was viewed as aspirational rather than instructional, presenting gambling as part of a glamorous or high-status lifestyle. Even when participants recognised sponsorship, and in some cases explicitly questioned the authenticity of the wins shown, they said this rarely reduced the appeal. Several described a clear awareness that influencers were paid to make gambling look exciting, that "big wins" might be staged, and that creators were often gambling with "house money". Yet this understanding did not stop the content drawing them in.
For many, the entertainment value overrode any scepticism. The knowledge that the creators were being paid, or that the outcomes were unlikely to reflect real-life play, did little to diminish the curiosity, Fear Of Missing Out, or admiration attached to high-profile figures taking risks.
Tipsters and betting commentators occupy a distinct niche in this ecosystem, appealing mainly to those who already gamble. Their advice promises a level of knowledge and control that makes gambling feel more legitimate and skill-based.
"I think the tipsters are huge. If you have a tipster who’s free for a month and that’s on all these wins, it massively influences you to just back whatever they back… obviously they only post their wins. Their losses are not really shown or bragged about."
24 year old, lower gambling activity
"On Twitter there’s a lot of accounts that promote betting. Like tipster accounts: ‘this weekend’s football, here’s some tips, place a bet with my code and receive whatever bonuses.’"
25 year old, lower gambling activity
Following such accounts strengthened participants’ confidence that gambling could be managed strategically - a perception that often masked underlying risk.
Participants drew a clear distinction between "bottom-up" content created by peers and "top-down" advertising from brands. Peer-led memes and clips were described as more genuine and entertaining, while corporate material was seen as intrusive and overtly promotional.
"A lot of them are relatable… Sometimes it’d be like memes about on the way home from the casino, one person’s singing because they’re up £100, the others are quiet because they’ve lost. It captures the full experience."
19 year old, higher gambling activity
"But then you’ve got Drake sponsored by Stake, winning 900K in one spin. Those are all rigged... Whereas the memes are just silly, they’re not promoting gambling, just making fun of it."
21 year old, lower gambling activity
This perceived authenticity increases engagement and keeps gambling talk present within friendship groups and online communities, even among those who rarely gamble themselves.
When reflecting on the visibility of gambling content, many participants questioned whether existing measures to limit exposure or protect younger audiences were effective.
Across both age groups, there was widespread scepticism about age-related restrictions online. Under-18s described being able to access or view gambling-related material with little difficulty, often by providing a false date of birth or through algorithms that promoted betting content based on their sports or gaming interests.
Older participants also doubted that current regulation was sufficient, though their understanding of how regulation actually works was limited. Most participants recognised only the basic age restriction (that gambling is legally 18 years old and above), but few demonstrated any deeper awareness of how gambling is regulated, who enforces the rules, or what operators are required to do. This meant that concerns about regulation were often grounded in perceived rather than known gaps.
On social media in particular, participants felt that paid partnerships and influencer sponsorships were poorly labelled and inconsistently disclosed, creating the sense that content was slipping through regulatory cracks. Several drew comparisons with the historical regulation of alcohol or tobacco, suggesting that current warnings are too subtle or too inconsistently applied to be meaningful.
A number of participants felt that greater transparency and balance were needed in gambling promotion - for instance, showing losses as well as wins, or including more prominent warnings about the likelihood of losing. Others favoured stronger platform-level controls, such as stricter filtering for under-18s or clearer distinctions between advertising and entertainment.
While opinions varied, few participants felt that gambling companies or social media platforms could be trusted to "police themselves". Older participants in particular were clear that profit-driven companies are unlikely to restrict harmful content voluntarily. Given their limited understanding of how regulation operates in this sector, participants generally placed responsibility for protection on technology platforms or legislators, rather than on the gambling companies themselves.
Because of safeguarding considerations, our sample did not include participants who had experienced significant gambling-related harm. However, most were able to describe potential "warning signs" through reflection on their own experiences, or those of peers and family members. Even teenage participants who mainly engaged in low-stakes gambling, or gambling-like activities, could identify when play might be taking a more negative turn.
Short-term effects such as frustration, irritability, or the compulsion to keep playing after a loss were commonly mentioned, alongside more serious patterns that participants recognised from older peers - such as gambling alone, chasing losses, or neglecting responsibilities. Many could connect these to a sense of loss of control: gambling becoming something they "had" to do rather than wanted to do.
"I was excited to have my own money for the first time but quickly found myself out of control - lost whole wages in days."
18 year old, higher gambling activity
Participants described a spectrum of warning signs, from temporary low mood or stress through to more sustained emotional and financial impacts. They tended to see short-term consequences, such as losing money or feeling annoyed, as normal or even a given part of the experience. It was only when harms became visible to others, or caused tangible difficulties (such as debt, conflict, or social withdrawal), that they were seen as serious. Among those with higher levels of gambling activity, it often took these more severe impacts to prompt reflection or change.
"It was starting to be addictive – I ended up doing it alone, would do it weekly, spending over £100 in a week. I enjoyed the rush but when I lost, I was angry."
17 year old, higher gambling activity
Across the sample, harm was rarely linked to a single trigger. Rather, several situational and personal factors often coincided (especially around the legal threshold of 18 years old) to heighten vulnerability:
Taken together, these factors could accelerate play from experimentation to higher-stakes or more frequent gambling.
"I think that’s when I had a job and it was cash in hand, and then like people at the place I was working would kind of do it on like lunch breaks and stuff and then I would just go along with them… That was probably more of a social aspect at the place I was working."
25 year old, lower gambling activity
Family and work environments were frequently cited as contexts that encouraged gambling. For some, gambling was a way to bond with fathers or colleagues; for others, it was a source of pressure or temptation. A similar effect was seen with widespread gambling visibility across sport and online spaces, reinforcing the sense that gambling is ever-present and prosocial.
Older participants especially described gambling as a coping mechanism during stressful or emotionally difficult periods, serving as a distraction from anxiety, grief, or change. While it provided short-term relief, it often left them feeling worse afterwards, linking emotional vulnerability to higher risk.
"After he passed away, I hadn’t been sleeping… Because I wasn’t sleeping… I was up at those times and I was bored. So I was betting on anything… Mexican football, basketball. I didn’t really know [them], but it kind of kept me busy at night."
22 year old, higher gambling activity
Reflecting wider research trends, participants recognised that their own willingness to take risks could make them more susceptible. Some described this as part of their personality - "liking the buzz" or "chasing excitement". This aligns with data from the Young People and Gambling 2025 survey showing that teenage boys are more likely than girls to self-identify as risk-takers, which may increase exposure to potentially harmful play.
"I was definitely one of the worst ones [of my friends] though. Because I just have more of an addictive personality."
23 year old, lower gambling activity
Across the research, awareness of risk and harm was present, but thresholds for action were high. Many young men described needing to "learn the hard way" or experience tangible losses before moderating their behaviour. Interventions that make warning signs visible earlier, build both emotional and gambling literacy, and address combined situational risks (such as money management, impulsivity, and life transitions) are likely to have the strongest preventive impact.
The findings highlight how gambling and gambling-like activities can present in the everyday lives of teenage boys and young men. They reveal how early familiarity, social environments, and personal dispositions interact to shape behaviour and, for some, create pathways towards greater risk.
Across participants, routes into gambling often began in childhood through unregulated but legal activities such as Category D arcade machines, claw machines, family scratchcards, and small private bets with friends. These early encounters framed gambling as light-hearted, low-stakes entertainment rather than an age-restricted adult activity.
Alongside this, gaming mechanics such as loot boxes and card packs often reinforced the same feelings of chance, reward, and anticipation, creating additional early touchpoints that felt familiar and safe. Family and friendship groups further encouraged these behaviours: gambling and gambling-like activities were usually experienced as social fun, competition, or bonding.
These patterns show how everyday childhood experiences can bridge gaming and gambling, aligning with the Early gambling experiences and gateway products roadmap.
Gambling sits comfortably within young men’s social and digital worlds. It often accompanies watching sport, participating in group chats, and engaging with online humour and influencer content. Betting together or discussing outcomes creates connection and shared excitement, embedding gambling within peer culture. This fluid integration spanning online and offline contexts speaks to the Range and variability of gambling experiences roadmap, showing how gambling fits into broader patterns of leisure and identity.
Risk tends to emerge when several factors converge around key life transitions. Turning 18, gaining independent income, and lacking financial experience combine with impulsivity and social encouragement to make gambling feel both accessible and consequence-free. Most participants recognised early warning signs like chasing losses, gambling alone, mood changes, or financial strain, yet often viewed them as normal until harm affected others or disrupted daily life. These insights advance understanding towards the Gambling-related harm and vulnerability roadmap by clarifying how vulnerability develops gradually through circumstance and personality rather than a single event.
From family homes to workplaces, the environments surrounding young men can either temper or intensify risk. When gambling is treated as routine by parents or peers, it can reinforce the sense that gambling is "just something people do", making it easier for young men to participate within considering the risks involved. When linked to stress or coping, it appears to provide temporary relief but can deepen emotional strain. The research highlights how social norms, financial freedom, and mental wellbeing can intertwine to shape patterns of play and potential harm.
Taken together, these findings point to prevention opportunities that focus on moments of transition and on socially and culturally reinforced, low-level play that may mask emerging risk. Education and messaging that make early warning signs visible, build financial and emotional literacy, and encourage reflection before or soon after the legal threshold are likely to have the strongest effect as this is when habits are still forming and when many young men first gain independent access to regulated gambling. The insights also speak to the broader emerging activities roadmap, illustrating how blurred boundaries between gaming and gambling sustain risk-taking behaviours long before formal participation begins.
Teenage boys and young men in the sample engage with gambling through familiar, social, and digital channels that make it feel ordinary and safe. Risk builds gradually through accessibility, impulsivity, financial freedom, and peer reinforcement, rather than sudden escalation. Recognising how these factors combine provides a clearer picture of when and why gambling becomes harmful, and strengthens the evidence base across 3 Gambling Commission roadmaps:
Collectively, these insights deepen understanding of how gambling journeys take shape among boys and young men and point towards earlier, more targeted prevention within the Commission’s evidence priorities.
These findings also highlight areas for further research. In particular, there is scope to explore how gambling literacy develops among young people, including how they interpret risk, probability, and odds, and to assess the effectiveness of interventions that make these concepts more tangible. Further work could also examine how understanding of harm, control, and reward changes as young people transition into adulthood, complementing ongoing Commission research on consumer comprehension.
A screening tool applied to assess whether respondents who gamble are defined as experiencing 'problems' with their gambling. In the adolescent gambling field, this is one of the most widely used instruments to assess experience of 'problem' gambling among this age group.
The screen questions use frequency scales of ‘Never’, ‘Once or twice’, ‘Sometimes’ or ‘Often’. Each respondent was allocated a point for each of the 9 criteria that they met. Scores are grouped into the following categories:
DSM-IV-MR-J score 0 or 1: Representing a young person who does not experience any ‘problems’ with their gambling.
DSM-IV-MR-J score 2 or 3: Representing a young person who is ‘at-risk’.
DSM-IV-MR-J score 4 or more: Representing a young person experiencing ‘problems’ with their gambling.
More detail can be found on the screen questions here.
Used in the Gambling Survey for Great Britain (GSGB), Health Survey for England, Scottish Health Survey and the Welsh Problem Gambling Survey. The PGSI was specifically developed for use among the general population rather than within a clinical context by Ferris and Wynne (2001) (opens in new tab).
The PGSI consists of 9 items and each item is assessed on a four-point scale: 'never' to 'almost always'. The following PGSI questions are asked to all participants of a survey who have gambled at least once in the last 12 months:
Thinking about the last 12 months...
Each item is assessed on a four-point scale ranging from: never, sometimes, most of the time, almost always. Responses to each item are given the following scores:
When scores to each item are summed, a total score ranging from 0 to 27 is possible. Scores are grouped into the following categories:
| PGSI score 0 | Representing a person who gambles (including heavily) but does not report experiencing any of the 9 symptoms or adverse consequences asked about. |
| PGSI score 1 to 2 | Representing low risk gambling by which a person is unlikely to have experienced any adverse consequences from gambling but may be at risk if they are heavily involved in gambling. |
| PGSI score 3 to 7 | Representing moderate risk gambling by which a person may or may not have experienced any adverse consequences from gambling but may be at risk if they are heavily involved in gambling. |
| PGSI score 8 or more | Representing problem gambling by which a person will have experienced adverse consequences from gambling and may have lost control of their behaviour. Involvement in gambling can be at any level, but it is likely to be heavy. |
More detail can be found on the PGSI here.
Participants who reported taking part in 2 or more gambling activities in the past 12 months, including at least one activity in the last 4 weeks. They also scored 2 or above (ages 14 to 17) on the DSM-IV-MR-J screening, or 3 or above (ages 18 to 25) on the PGSI. These participants typically showed greater engagement and personal impact from gambling.
Participants who reported taking part in one or two gambling activities in the past 12 months, but none in the last 4 weeks, and who scored below 2 on the relevant screening measure (DSM-IV-MR-J for under-18s, PGSI for over-18s). These participants showed limited or less frequent engagement, and minimal reported impact.
In this report, this term refers to activities that are not legally defined or regulated as gambling but share similar features (such as spending money for a chance outcome or uncertain reward). Examples include opening loot boxes in video games or collecting trading cards where contents are unknown until purchase.
Digital features in video games that allow players to pay (with real or in-game currency) for a virtual 'box' containing random rewards such as players, items, or cosmetic upgrades.
A form of gambling where in-game items known as 'skins”, which change a character’s or weapon’s appearance, are used as currency to place bets on games or events, often through external websites.
To capture participants’ everyday experiences and reflections on gambling and gambling-like activities, we set a series of short digital diary tasks.
Interviews built on themes and ideas raised in Field Notes, exploring participants’ personal histories, perceptions, and emotions related to gambling and gambling-like activities.
To inform the research design, materials, and hypotheses, 3 sets of expert consultations were conducted with:
Each conversation followed a semi-structured guide to ensure consistent coverage of core themes while allowing experts to shape the discussion.
Focus: ensuring the research design was engaging, ethical and appropriate for young participants.
Key areas covered:
Focus: gathering expert perspectives on gambling behaviours, risk factors and protections for young men, and feedback on research design.
Key areas covered:
Focus: understanding the wider evidence and regulatory landscape, and aligning research priorities with existing work.
Key areas covered: